MELAWAN STIGMA SESAT Strategi JAI Menghadapi Takfiri

MOCHAMAD SODIK, DRS.,S.SOS.M.SI., Prof. Dr. Susetiawan ; Prof. Dr. H.M. Amin Abdullah

2015 | Disertasi | S3 Ilmu Sosiologi

Sebagai kantong (enclave) Jemaat Ahmadiyah Indonesia (JAI), komunitas Maduqa Jawa Barat tidak lepas dari stigma sesat dan kekerasan. Mereka mengalami apa yang disebut Barkan dan Snowden dengan collective violence. Perkembangan Jemaat menyita perhatian Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) di tingkat pusat maupun daerah Kuningan. Fatwa yang dikeluarkannya sangat tegas: Ahmadiyah sesat dan menyesatkan. Fatwa MUI ini merujuk pada Majma al-Fiqh al-Islaamii, sebuah lembaga fikih di bawah Organisasi Kerjasama Internasional (OKI), dan memperoleh dukungan dari pemerintah dengan dikeluarkannya Surat Keputusan Bersama (SKB) di tingkat pusat maupun daerah Kuningan serta dukungan dari Gerakan Anti Ahmadiyah (Gerah) setempat dan kelompok sejenisnya. Kajian ini berusaha menjawab pertanyaan pokok: Bagaimana cara Ahmadiyah untuk mendudukkan diri agar tetap eksis dalam kehidupan masyarakat meskipun ia mengalami stigmatisasi dan represi dari kekuatan eksternal (Islam arus utama)?. Pertanyaan pokok tersebut diperinci dalam dua pertanyaan: Bagaimana bentuk represi yang dihadapi oleh Ahmadiyah?; Bagaimana strategi Ahmadiyah dalam menghadapai represi tersebut?. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah observasi terlibat (participant observation), wawancara mendalam (indepth-interview), riwayat hidup (life history), dan dokumentasi (documentation). Studi ini memanfaatkan analisis wacana Foucauldian dalam tiga model, yaitu representation and identity Stuart Hall, social cognition Teun A. van Dijk dan the arts of resistance and the arts of not being governed James C. Scott. Stidi ini menunjukkan bahwa JAI mengalami tiga jenis represi yaitu kekerasan kultural-psikologis, stuktural-diskrimatif, dan fisik. Mereka menghadapi represi lawan (dari luar) dengan membangun representasi diri (ke dalam) sebagai bentuk difference terhadap grand narrative karena JAI meyakini dirinya sebagai "perwakilan" atau representation dalam sejumlah identitas budaya (cultural identity), yaitu: muslim yang benar, warga negara yang baik, dan manusia yang terpilih. JAI membangun wacana xvii tanding dalam kerangka nilai dan doktrin yang diyakini sebagai social cognition yang meliputi: wacana ke-Islaman, kebangsaan, dan kemanusiaan. Wacana tanding ini memperoleh pijakan ideologis dari tiga pilar Ahamadiyah (trilogi Ahmadi), yaitu: Mirza Ghulam Ahmad as sebagai al-Mahdi yang ditunggu kedatangannya, al-Masih yang dijanjikan/Masih Mau'ud, dan " nabi bayangan" (dari Nabi Muhammad saw). Lokalitas budaya yang "anti nabi baru" menghadirkan eufemisme sehingga dalam wacana seharihari di Maduqa tidak ditemukan ungkapan Nabi Mirza Ghulam Ahmad as, (tetapi) disebutnya dengan Masih Mau'ud. Eufemisme juga berlaku untuk penyebutan kepada non-Ahmadi, sehingga tidak ditemukan istilah "kafir" atau "jahiliah" (tetapi) mereka yang non-Ahmadi disebut dengan ghaer (the other). Wacana "jihad tanpa kekerasan" paling sulit diterapkan dalam masa-masa "perang" di Maduqa, sehingga sayap muda Ahmadi juga siap bertaruh nyawa dengan "angkat senjata" (bambu, batu, dan semacamnya). Secara umum, Jemaat membangun pola perlawanan lunak, atau yang disebut dengan seni bertahan (the arts of defense). Sejumlah hidden transcript menjadi pilihan Jemaat, yaitu: strategi menghindar (mencari celah), melanggar (menolak perintah), dan mendekat (memperbanyak kawan). Strategi ini menguras energi dan dana untuk keberlanjutannya. Untuk keperluan tersebut, Jemaat telah mengerahkan sejumlah sumber daya yang dimiliki, mulai dari 'donor darah' 'donor mata' sampai 'wakaf diri'

The Maduqa community in West Java is an enclave of the Ahmadiyya Jemaat of Indonesia (JAI). Nowadays, their existence cannot be separated from the stigma of heresy, which indeed includes violent acts. According to Barkan and Snowden, the combination of stigmatization and violence is considered a collective violence. It began with the growing numbers of the JAI adherents in the region of Kuningan, West Java that consequently has raised disputes imposed by the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) both at national and local levels. The MUI issued a Fatwa that firmly asserts JAI (or Ahmadiyya as religion) as heretical and misleading of others. Thus their teachings and religious practices are deviant from proper Islam. This fatwa is referred to as Majma'al- Fiqh al-Islaamii, a fiqih institution under the International Cooperation Organization (Organisasi Kerjasama International/OKI) which is reinforced by the government through the Mutual Resolutions Letter (Surat Keputusan Bersama/SKB) and supported by the Anti-Ahmadiyya Movement (Gerakan Anti Ahmadiyah/Gerah) in Maduqa and other anti-Ahmadiyya sympathizers. With regard to the background of the JAI and their existence that is estranged by the dominant Islamic Authority such as the MUI, my study aims at questioning on how the Ahmadiyya community situates their existencein facing stigmatization and repression particularly by the dominant Muslims who uphold claims over proper Islamic teachings and practices. Furthermore, the study explains in details on the strategy developed by the Ahmadiyya community in dealing with repression or oppression. The study was conducted through participant observation, in-depth interviews, life histories, and documentation. Meanwhile, the analysis of the study is framed by Foucauldian discourse analysis by applying three stages of critical discourse analysis: first by referring to Stuart Hall's representation and identity; secondly by referring to Teun A. van Dijk's social cognition; and thirdly, by referring to James C. Scott's the arts of resistance and the arts of not being governed. xix My study shows that the JAI experienced three types of repression, namely: cultural-psychological violence, structural and physical repressions. In dealing with repression from the opponents (outsiders), the JAI community establish a firm inner selfrepresentation. By such virtue, they enacts difference against the grand narrative that marginalizes them, so they could see themselves as "the chosen" who represent both as true Muslims and good citizens. In dealing with stigmatization, they develop a counter discourse that incorporates Islam, nationalism, and humanism as values, doctrinal framework, and social cognition. This counter discourse is appropriated with the three pillars of the "Ahmadi ideological baseline": accepting Mirza Guhlam Ahmad as the awaited Mahdi; believing in him as the promised Messiah, and as "the shadow prophet" of Muhammad saw. The "anti-new prophet" sentiment has induced the use of a euphemism among Maduqa JAI community. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is not referred to as the prophet, but as Masih Ma'ud. This also can be found in referring to non-Ahmadiyya as ghaer (the other) instead of kafir (infidel or unbeliver). However,"non-violent jihad" discourse is hard to be disseminated especially during the times of "conflict"in Maduqa evident by the JAI Youth who are ready to risk their lives by "bearing arms" (bamboo, stones etc.). In general, the JAI develop more on establishing mild resistance (hidden transcript). They tend to avoid conflict, resist to obedience and seek for alliance (friendship). As a matter of fact, such strategies require a lot of their energies and financial resources for survival. In doing so, the adherents have pledged to become "blood donors", "eye donors", and to "give away of themselves" (wakaf diri), for supporting their belief in Ahmadiyya

Kata Kunci : Jemaat, stigma sesat, representasi, kognisi sosial, perlawanan